Between Aleksandar Vučić’s Sunday threat, directed at the Serb community, in which he asked the occupying force of NATO and EULEX to allow him 45 minutes to take care of business in North Mitrovica, and Wednesday’s statement by Ivica Dačić, following consultations with Catherine Ashton, the official Belgrade’s silence on Kosovo was interrupted only by Aleksandar Vulin’s unfounded accusations against leaders of the election boycott.
The trigger-happy Vulin first charged local Serb leaders of the boycott with smashing the voting booths in a Mitrovica polling location.
Then the charges died down after the anti-election activists presented what they claimed to be video and eyewitness testimonies to the contrary and accused the Belgrade authorities of orchestrating the violence after they realized the boycott calls were heeded by the majority of Mitrovica Serbs and the turnout was abysmal.
When the swirling rumors involved the presence of Police General Bratislav Dikić, now-deputy to Serbia’s Director of Police Milorad Veljovic, in the area, the purported relation between Serbia’s authorities and the polling site violence became more believable.
Hashim Thaci ridiculed Vučić’s request to intervene against the Kosovo Serbs, stating that Kosovo had its own institutions. Not that Thaci’s statement was anything new or surprising, but Vučić, or anyone else, did not respond to this apparent challenge to Serbian government’s claim of sovereignty over Kosovo.
But his minions did launch a media and parliament-floor offensive against Vojislav Koštunica’s Democratic Party of Serbia and its key representative in North Kosovo, Marko Jakšić, blaming this 7-percent-strong opposition party of swaying the election outcome against the wishes of Serbia government.
Never mind that the attested war criminal Thaci dared to call the North Kosovo activists "criminals."
Amid this indeed disgusting exchange of accusations and name-calling, no mainstream media have reported the actual turnout numbers in North Kosovo, while the Kosovo Albanian authorities did brag about the turnout among Serbs south of Ibar exceeding 50 percent in some municipalities. The Serb Anti-election Staff reported Priština’s Central Election Commission’s numbers, according to which the turnout in Mitrovica was as low as 2.5 percent a couple of hours before the polling site attack. The Leposavić municipality, according to the same report, saw a 16 percent turnout.
Kosovo Police and EULEX arrested one man in relation to the violence, and quickly let him go; Jakšić said the man was connected to Serbia’s Gendarmerie.
Going back to the most striking evidence that Serbia is indeed as much a colony as is its occupied province, we find a new level of subordination being reached here.
Who would have expected that between Dačić and Vučić, the two men most directly involved in all aspects of implementation of the Microsoft Word document popularly called the Brussels Agreement, including the aggressive on-the-ground campaigning against those local Serbs who refused to participate in the election organized under the legal framework of the Albanian Republic of Kosovo, no public statement was made on such a crucial juncture in the implementation process?
The election was the pinnacle of the subjugation process Dačić and Vučić have been steamrolling over the Kosovo Serbs. And Serbia’s top dogs had nothing to say about it for three days.
Nothing to say until a Brussels bureaucrat told them what exactly they were allowed to say.
After another blow was dealt to the Imperial occupying force by the Kosovo Serb community, Ashton decided the election will be repeated in three sites in North Mitrovica on November 17.
Thaci bragged about how the “successful” election added legitimacy to the Brussels Agreement.
If we know that the sole goal of the Brussels Agreement was to subjugate the North, and if the North Kosovo Serbs overwhelmingly and in a democratic way rejected the Dačić-Thaci deal again on November 3rd, Thaci’s demagoguery would be dismissed if it was not for the intent to repeat the push as many times as necessary to claim the Albanian and NATO victory over the Serbs.
And with the help of colonial Belgrade, unfortunately, regardless of the election outcomes, the subjugation process seems to be at an advanced stage. Belgrade not only turned its back on the Kosovo Serbs, but has been actively pushing them into the fold of the rogue Albanian state, which, Serbia, declaratively, refuses to recognize.
As Belgrade political analyst Željko Cvijanović picturesquely described in his most recent piece, Serbia’s leadership first lit the Kosovo Serbs’ house on fire, and then blamed them for not putting the fire out by adhering to Belgrade’s instructions.
Following the Ashton meeting, Serbian media did not report any comments Vučić made about this most pressing issue in the recent history of the country. Serbia’s President Tomislav Nikolić, whom I almost forgot in this report because he has been AWOL and a non-factor when he was present in public, expectedly had no opinion on the most pressing issue in his country’s recent history.
The Belgrade media have been doing a great job of not asking questions, period, let alone demanding answers from the people paid a lot of money to provide them. Not only that, but other issues, such as soccer hooliganism, have been quickly launched into the spotlight of national attention to avert the focus on Kosovo. The most recent violent clashes between organized fan groups, long-known to be under the control of political parties and secret police, have apparently been orchestrated to divert the nation from the issues of occupation and sovereignty.