The spin is kicking in. After the
initial public outrage at the documented election fraud, the somewhat squeaky
wheels of what was thought to be a well-oiled regime propaganda mechanism are
starting to turn. Even when shaky, the Boris Tadić regime's media machine is
powerful, if for nothing but for the simple reason that it is a monopoly and
there is no other comparable media power to counter it.
source: blic.rs |
After the Progressive Party
officials revealed a bag with invalid votes, reportedly retrieved from a
dumpster, and called for a nullification of the election results, and after
Vojislav Koštunica of the Serbian Democrats called for investigation of the fraud
charges, and after Dveri addressed the people gathered to protest the fraud in
front of the Republican Election Committee, and after more than 5,000 of those
people walked the streets of Belgrade, chanting ''Tadić, the thief!'' the
regime's media machine went into a high gear. We woke up to face a media spin
offensive that included not only journalists, but also cabinet ministers
affiliated with the Democratic Party and the Socialist Party. A media outlet
after a media outlet repeated the statements by Boris Tadić, his minister
Oliver Dulić, his party vice-president Jelena Trivan, his cabinet ally Ivica
Dačić and others, in which they expressed unsupported denial (Tadić) and a counter-charge against the Progressives (Dulić); Trivan accused Tomislav Nikolić
of trying to incite violence, and Dačić - to everyone's amazement at his
arrogance and recklessness - proclaimed he would never steal an election
''again,'' literally admitting he had committed election fraud before! In every
country with the established rule of law, Dačić would get arrested or at least
investigated, but in Serbia, where he is the police, that will not happen.
Meanwhile, Defense Minister Dragan Šutanovac argued with his Twitter followers
over the already-notorious dumped ballots. Of course, the chorus of regime's
social media cronies began moving away from Thursday ostensible bewilderment by
the fraud reports and slowly, as the day was advancing, retained their usual
position of exposing everything not aligned with the regime's daily ideology to
ridicule.
However astounded by the
statements of Trivan and especially Dačić, my personal favorite is Tadić's
recent blurb in which he said that the election fraud protest voices originated
in ''the structures of the 1990s.'' If I have to remind you that Ivica
Dačić, Tadić's ally, was a Slobodan Milošević protege and a spokesman of the
1990s regime, who, by the way, only today implied he actually had participated
in stealing an election before, then you should stop reading here and go google
a more interesting subject.
In other news, the trivialities the Serbian ether was bombarded with served to overwhelm the fraud-related news or cast a shadow on the significance of the election theft scandal.
Yes, the Tadić regime's spin was
aggressive, albeit amateurish and clumsy, but the opposition, parties, other than Dveri,
haven't keyed in with a focused media effort either. This is somewhat due to
the media blockade by the regime, but in the world of social media this can't
be an excuse and we have to look for amateurism and sluggishness as the attribute of that camp as well.
The Western media were on it,
too, although the tone was rather unusually mellow. While Bloomberg was quick
to point out that there were election fraud
allegations that will be investigated, its reporter from Belgrade, Misha
Savic, characterized Nikolić as someone under whose leadership Serbia
would ''turn east,'' meaning towards Russia. Although assumptions could be made
that Nikolić didn't change much from his Radical Party days, he did declare
himself pro-EU integration, changed his rhetoric and tried to shed what was
considered a nationalist stigma in the North Atlantic community, at the expense
of destroying the Radical Party he led for years and of losing his most ardent
supporters. I personally liked the old Toma much better, but these are the
undeniable facts that the Bloomberg article ignored. Reuters, significantly enough, used the word ''threatened'' to
describe the nature of Nikolić's statements related to his party's plan for
contesting the election results. Jovana Gec of the Associated Press, went several steps further and set the
stage for future impressions on who's who, leading with the following:
"Serbian nationalists accused pro-European
Union reformists Thursday of stealing the recent
general elections, fueling tensions ahead of a key
presidential runoff."
To be clear, the nationalists in
Serbia hardly consider the Progressives nationalist, as someone who turns pro-EU is seen as not much
different than Boris Tadić, and Tadić is everything but patriotic or
nationalist. But Gec did something more
significant than just branding the Progressives nationalist. She juxtaposed
them as nationalist - generally viewed
in the West as the bad guys - against the ''pro-European Union
reformists," reflexively perceived as the good
guys by a Western reader. She then said the accusations have fueled tensions,
as if the tensions shouldn't be fueled if the democratic right of the Serbian
people to have their will respected is not tension-fueling in itself. So, no,
Ms. Gec, the election fraud protesters did not fuel tensions; the fraud itself
fueled discontent which automatically produces tensions in every
self-respecting society that cares about its political freedoms.
source: novosti.rs |
I said earlier that the
anti-fraud parties are under-performing in the anti-fraud public campaign. Yes,
the truth and justice is on their side, but since when has that been enough to
win? Calling people out in the streets is dangerous and the regime may just be
waiting for it, setting up to entrap the protesters in violent incidents and
blame them for the unrest, like Jelena Trivan signaled today. This is not the
5th of October and the people of Serbia have to remember that many of those who
helped bring Milošević down turned out to be in the employ of Western
intelligence agencies, who facilitated the fall and provided protection for the
vanguard whose well-rehearsed tactics spearheaded the larger public outrage.
The Boris Tadić regime is actually supported by the same foreign interests that
toppled Milošević and like their revolutionary strategies were well
put together, their reactionary strategies have been even better prepared and
efficiently exercised across the globe. The main goal of the anti-fraud
protesters should be to entrench the truth that the fraud has been committed in
the mind of the people seeking truth and justice, by documenting and calling
the attention to various evidence to the fraud, thus de-legitimizing the power
of this regime, letting the entire people know it was not elected, it does not
stand on the fundamental principle of democracy, the consent of the governed, and that the regime relies not on democratic mechanisms, but on the brute force
supported by the foreign interests coming from the EU, NATO and their NGO
vanguard in Serbia. The Tadić regime might preserve the power, but it should be
know that its power is dictatorial and they derived it out of defrauding the
people of their most basic freedom: the right to free election.
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